「文在寅大統領に反日のレッテルを貼らないで」 陳昌洙・世宗研究所長が語る

韓国の大統領に文在寅氏が就任して韓日関係はどう変わり、隣国・日本はどう向き合うべきか。ハフポスト日本版は、韓国のシンクタンク・世宗研究所長の陳昌洙氏に聞いた。
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South Korea's President Moon Jae-In waves to his supporters as he greets members of staff as he arrives near the presidential Blue House in Seoul on May 10, 2017.Left-leaning former human rights lawyer Moon Jae-In began his five-year term as president of South Korea following a landslide election win after a corruption scandal felled the country's last leader. / AFP PHOTO / Ed JONES (Photo credit should read ED JONES/AFP/Getty Images)
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韓国の大統領に文在寅氏が就任して韓日関係はどう変わり、隣国・日本はどう向き合うべきか。ハフポスト日本版は、文氏が5月10日に大統領に就任した直後、韓国のシンクタンク・世宗研究所の陳昌洙(チン・チャンス)所長にソウルで聞いた。陳氏は朴槿恵・前大統領に近く、同大統領の対日政策のアドバイザー役ともされていた。

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インタビューに応じる世宗路研究所の陳昌洙所長=5月11日、ソウル

ーーまず、文氏が当選した今回の大統領選の感想を聞かせて下さい。

文氏が当選したのは、当たり前のことだと思っています。朴前大統領は国民から批判されましたから。

それでは問題は、朴前大統領の個人の問題なのか、韓国の保守全体の問題なのか、それとも既得権の問題なのか。まず、朴氏の個人の問題だと思っている人は、保守の中の保守です。一方、保守全体の問題だというのが、文在寅氏の「共に民主党」など野党の方です。保守政権が10年近く続いた弊害だと指摘しています。

国民の多くは既得権の問題だと思っています。既得権全体が腐敗して正当性を欠き、政府への信頼感、特に保守に対しての信頼感が失われています。そういう意味で、今回は保守が勝てる選挙ではありませんでした。みんなが文氏が勝つと思っていました。

文氏の41%の得票率は、多くも少なくもないという感じです。一方、第2野党「国民の党」の安哲秀(アン・チョルス)氏は票が伸びませんでした。第三の道は国民から支持されなかった形です。

ーー慶尚北道など保守地盤の3地域では「自由韓国党」の洪準杓(ホン・ジュンピョ)氏が1位を獲得し、地域対立の根深さを反映しました。

そういった地域感情に加えて世代間の差もありました。60代は保守の洪氏に票を投じた人が多かったです。一方、20、30代は革新系が比較的多いものの、投票先がバラつきました。以前よりも複雑な状況になっています。

「386」の世代(1980年代に学生運動を体験した60年代生まれ)は主に50代ですが、文氏に投じた人が多いです。「386」世代は、反日、反米、親北(北朝鮮)の感情が強く、既得権に厳しい考えを持っています。

ーー文氏の政権は「反日・親北」とも言われます。慰安婦問題をめぐる日韓合意について再交渉を要求すると選挙戦で訴えてきました。

文氏が再交渉を求める可能性は高いと思います。日韓合意について、朴前大統領と安倍首相の取り組みが失敗したと思っています。朴前大統領は歴史に過剰反応をし、慰安婦の解決なしでは日韓首脳会談をやらないとハードルを上げました。しかし、そんな単純にやる政策ではありませんでした。日本との関係では歴史を優先しても解決できないと文氏は知っています。だから文氏は日韓合意の再交渉について最優先にするわけではなく、経済や安保などいくつかある問題のうちの一つと捉えており、そこが前政権と違うところです。日本ではそうは受け止められていないかもしれません。

外交政策では、北朝鮮危機を乗り越えるためにアメリカと友好的に付き合うこと、これが優先順位の一番です。また、中国との関係悪化の要因となっている(アメリカの新型迎撃ミサイル)「THAAD」配備をどうするか。そんな状況の中、文氏は日韓合意について再交渉したいのですが、一方でそれだけを優先して喧嘩になるのは得ではないとも思っています。

文氏と「共に民主党」は本来、政経分離を主張してきました。日本と激しく対立することを想定していません。再交渉との言葉に日本側はアレルギーがあると思います。要求してこじれてしまったら、再交渉になるんです。また、韓国国内のプロセスを踏まないといけません。文政権は、慰安婦被害者や挺対協(元慰安婦の支援団体「韓国挺身隊問題対策協議会」)の話も聞いて、国内でどう説得するかと言うことを工夫しないといけません。

ーー文氏は日本に対して強硬派ではないのですか。

日本との関係でハードルを高める必要はないと分かっています。日韓の足りないことろは相手を正確に理解することで、そのパイプ役が少ないんです。相手を正しく理解していないことが、日韓関係を悪くしているんです。

文政権で日韓関係が徐々に悪くなる可能性はありますが、急に悪くなることはないと思っています。

ーー日本にとっては北朝鮮情勢が気になります。文氏が北朝鮮に対して融和姿勢だと言われます。

北朝鮮への圧力を強めていた前政権と違うのが、その北朝鮮政策です。文氏はすぐに南北対話をしたいのですがプロセスが必要です。まずアメリカに対して「韓国に任せてください」と説得して、その後、中国にも話をする。でも、今はアメリカが北朝鮮に圧力をかけていて難しいです。

また、北朝鮮が核開発を凍結しないと話が進みません。相手の気持ちがどうなのか対話をして確かめないといけません。対話をすれば核をどうすればいいいのかという話になります。しかし、個人的には凍結は無理だと思っています。凍結しなければ、金剛山の観光再開、開城工業団地再開も無理です。この1年が、対話を実施する最後のチャンスです。凍結させるインセンティブを北朝鮮に提供しないといけません。対話を模索している間には戦争は起こりません。でも、失敗した後は怖いですが。

ーー日本はどう向き合ったらいいでしょうか。

THAADをめぐり対中関係は悪いですが、中国と向き合うためにも日韓の協力が必要です。(慰安婦を象徴する)少女像の扱いで日本側は怒っていますが、文政権が被害者や挺対協と率直に意見交換してまず政策をはっきりさせることが重要です。そうすれば日本も見通しができて、妥協の余地が出てきます。

日本は、まだ文氏に「反日」とのレッテルを貼らないでほしいし、真剣に受け止めてもらいたいです。一方の文氏も、強い世論もありますが、韓国の国益として考えないといけません。難しいことではありますが。

陳昌洙(チン・チャンス)1961年、慶尚南道生まれ。86年韓国・西江大卒、94年東大で政治学博士。日韓関係で多くの提言をしている。

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「当確」を喜ぶ文在寅氏と支持者たち
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South Korean presidential candidate Moon Jae-In stands on a stage to greet supporters after exit polls suggested a landslide victory, in the central Gwanghwamun district of Seoul on May 10, 2017.\nSouth Koreans went to the polls to choose a new president after Park Geun-Hye was ousted and indicted for corruption, against a backdrop of high tensions with the nuclear-armed North. / AFP PHOTO / Ed JONES (Photo credit should read ED JONES/AFP/Getty Images) (credit:ED JONES via Getty Images)

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